Yola – Dr Fatima Atiku, daughter of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and newly appointed Adamawa Commissioner of Health has forfeited her salary and allowances for use in revitalizing the health sector in the state.
Former Vice-President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar
Fielding questions from newsmen in Yola on Friday after being sworn –in along with 21 other commissioners, Fatima, a Consultant, said she was making the sacrifice because of the numerous challenges in the health sector.
“I am very grateful to the governor for appointing me to head the Health Ministry.
“The ministry is the most challenging because of the insurgency problem that had caused some damage to the health system in the state.
“For this reason, I shall be donating my salary and allowances for use in enhancing the delivery of healthcare service in the state,’’ Fatima said.’’
Speaking earlier while administering the oath of office on the Commissioners, Gov. Bindow Jubrilla said that their appointment was based on merit.
He urged them to join hands with him in bringing the desired change in the state, adding that their loyalty should be to the people, and not him.
“Your loyalty is to the people of Adamawa, whom you represent, and not to me”, Jibrilla said.
Responding on behalf of the commissioners, the Commissioner for Education, Mrs Kaletapwa Farauta, thanked the governor for the appointment, assuring that they would not betray the confidence reposed in them.
As the governing All Progressives Congress gets set to appoint a chairman for its Board of Trustees, a group with ties to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has called on the leadership of the party to appoint the former VP into the position.
APC is set to appoint the BoT Chair at a meeting slated for July 20 in Abuja and feelers from the party secretariat shows that the race to the chairmanship position is largely between Atiku and a former Governor of Lagos state, Bola Tinubu, a senior leader of the party.
Adamawa Think Tank, comprising of politicians and professionals from Adamawa state, Saturday, said Atiku is the best bet because according to them, “he fits the office”.
The chairman of the group, Danladi Danasabe, who spoke to PREMIUM TIMES over the telephone said “the party at present is enmeshed in crisis following the election of new leaders for the national assembly and what we need is a person with experience in handling such issues to come on board and take us back on track”.
He also said it would be wrong to “even consider Tinubu, because he is part of the problem”.
“All that is happening now is because Tinubu tried to impose some people on our lawmakers and they rejected, so appointing him now with a view to solving the problem simply amounts to a judge presiding over his own case,” Mr. Danasabe said.
He added although the former Lagos Governor made tremendous sacrifice leading to the success of the APC, he said, his “brand of politics and approach to issues may lead to a serious crash”.
Vanguard reported on Saturday that in spite of opposition from some members of the party’s National Working Committee, NWC, odds still favour Mr. Tinubu.
The paper reported that some NWC member fear that Mr. Tinubu may use the office to attack most them especially the National Chairman of the party, John Oyegun, as well as the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, and Speaker, House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara, who are both in his bad books following the National Assembly leadership election.
Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, in this interview with NIYI ODEBODE, JOHN ALECHENU and ADE ADESOMOJU, speaks on the expectations of Nigerians from the incoming administration of Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), his perception of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, among other issues
The President-elect, Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), has acknowledged the fact that expectations of Nigerians from him are very high. How do you think he can meet these within the next four years?
Former Vice-President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar
Whenever there is a change in government in a democracy, whether in Nigeria or anywhere else, normally the expectation tends to rise. It is not unexpected in Nigeria, particularly when this is the first time in our democratic process that we are witnessing a smooth change in government from the ruling party to an opposition. Therefore, expectations are much higher within the normal circumstance of change.
After several shots at the presidency, will you still present yourself if the opportunity avails itself to you again?
It is quite too early for such a question. We are in a transition process. We have not even formed the next government. You are asking me whether I will like to run again or not. I think it is just too early. My concern is to make sure that the transition process is smooth and complete and a new government is formed because it is the party that I belong to that is coming in. My dream for Nigeria is always that we can, from time to time, change government so that there can be competition among parties and that competition will bring about, perhaps more development and progress in the country. I think that is my most important concern now rather than thinking of whether I’m going to run again or not.
Why is it taking your party so long to decide on zoning?
I think that is one fundamental thing Nigerians tend to forget. There is no zoning in the constitution of the All Progressives Congress. In the true sense of it, there is no zoning. But we also know that this country is between North and South, Muslims and Christians. It is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious country; hence there is the need for balance of government appointments. We are not unaware of that. In the strictest sense of it, there is no zoning in the APC’s constitution. It is in the Peoples Democratic Party’s constitution and it has a long history. Those of us who were in the Constitutional Conference of 1994, 1995 actually initiated it.
What are the pitfalls the APC must avoid to steer clear of the fate that befell the PDP?
There are quite a few and fundamental ones that I will urge the APC government to avoid. Firstly, the political party should be allowed to freely operate on its own so that the issues of governors and the president being the leaders of the party and also the leader of government can be separated. It is only when one does that that internal democracy is allowed to thrive within the political party. Internal democracy is the building block, but when one mixes the two (leadership of political party and that of government), then one will find oneself where the PDP has found itself in the last 16 years.
Secondly, the governors and the president must be focused on key fundamental issues of governance. If they want to make an impact, for instance, in the first 100 days, three months, six months, as the case may be, they have to pick up certain key areas and also let Nigerians know that in the first 100 days, this is what you should expect from us. For instance, in my policy document, when I was running for the presidency, I said in the first 100 days, this is what you should expect from me. I think it will be necessary for the government to tell Nigerians that this is what you should expect from us in the first 100 days and so on.
What is your take on the prediction that the APC would be torn apart by the struggle for positions in the incoming government?
I don’t believe so. I think we have come across a number of challenges since the formation of the APC. I believe that government is not essentially an employer of labour. It should create the necessary environment for the private sector to create jobs. I think there is too much emphasis on government employment or government patronage in this country. This is because various levels of governance, whether local government or state, don’t function well. In other words, it is the failure of our institutions. If one goes to certain countries, one doesn’t find the president even having one visitor. For instance, I have visited my brother and friend, Jacob Zuma, several times. You don’t find even one single individual sitting with him and he goes out like a normal person because the institutions are working. The local councils are working. The provincial governments are working, everything is okay. Thus, whatever one is looking for at any level of one’s life is being provided for by the institution that is established to do it. Therefore, one doesn’t need the big man at the top. But unfortunately in this country, all our institutions are not working. They have been undermined. The constitution is very clear on that. But because the implementers of the constitution have not implemented the constitution as they should, the institutions are failing or have failed. Therefore, everybody looks up to the president to solve all the problems. No, that should not be. That is why we have local and state governments. Hence, I think we have to strengthen our institutions and make sure that they deliver services to their respective people.
The President-elect, like many other Nigerians, believes that corruption has reached an intolerable level in this country. Do you share the view that he (the President-elect) cannot achieve much in tackling the menace as he has promised because he is surrounded by many politicians that are also accused of being corrupt?
I think it takes political will to fight corruption. I have sat down with the President-elect and I believe he has the political will to do that. He told me clearly that anybody who is corrupt should not expect any appointment from his government and I agree with him. I also told him that if he really wants to cleanse this society, he should not make the mistake of trying to appoint anybody who is alleged or perceived to be corrupt and he can do that by making sure he gets the necessary information from the relevant government agencies. So, I believe he has the political will.
Apart from the area of appointment, what other specific areas must he explore to ensure that corruption is curbed?
Corruption has become so endemic in this country that any level of the society one goes to, it is present. Even in my house, my wife is always fighting with the drivers; fighting with the mechanic; fighting with the cooks. When she gives them money to do this or that, they do fake receipts and all that. Therefore, corruption is so endemic in the society, even in households. But then, if the political leadership provides the direction, the leadership and the will to fight corruption, one will find out that gradually we will be eliminating corruption and we will bring it to a minimal level. There is no society where there is no corruption, even in the advanced democracies there is corruption, but at a very minimal level. It is not threatening their progress as a country.
Still on corruption, you once said that you were one of the most investigated Nigerians. If the President-elect says, again, he is going to investigate the cases against you, will you be afraid or worried?
I’m not worried. You can investigate me. But you know most of my cases have ended up in the court up to the Supreme Court and the apex court has ruled on them. Thus, for you to reopen a case that has been closed by the Supreme Court … but I am ready to be investigated.
Before the general elections, President Goodluck Jonathan visited you. The picture that was being painted out there by his loyalists was that you gave a tacit approval for his second term bid. Can you use this opportunity to tell Nigerians what really transpired between the two of you at that meeting?
I have told Nigerians what transpired between the two of us. He wanted me to come back to the PDP and I said I was not coming back.
There is this story that the PDP is being repositioned and that the party is reaching out to you and Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano State. If the party leaders reach out to you, will you return to the PDP?
Nobody has reached out to me yet. And for the question of if I would go back or not; how many people will the President go to their houses to say, ‘This is the favour I want’ and they will look at him in the face and say, ‘No, we are not going back?’ How many in this country will do that?
Your former boss, ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, said so many not-too-complimentary things about you in his latest book, ‘My Watch’. Have you both met since then?
You know, really, I don’t give a damn (about) what Obasanjo says about me.
You talked about South Africa working. Do you think that the concentration of power in the hands of the Federal Government is undermining the development of the country?
There seemed to be better service delivery by the government during the period we ran the regional government system. I had said that in my paper to the last Constitution Conference. I wrote a very comprehensive paper on that. I believe that the powers of the Federal Government are too many and there should be power devolution to the state and local governments.
Still talking about former President Obasanjo, do you think he scuttled the best chance you ever had to lead this country as president?
I don’t think so. How? When?
Your second term with him as Vice-President between 2003 and 2007 was stormy and he did everything to stop you from succeeding him as a result of which you left the PDP for the then Action Congress.
As far as I am concerned, Obasanjo may believe that he scuttled my presidential ambition, but I believe it is about God. If God says I will be president, I will be president; if He says I will not be president, I will not be president. Let’s forget about Obasanjo.
You chaired the privatisation committee and you did a lot in various sectors, including telecommunication, by laying the foundation. I can’t remember you handling that of power…
I refused to handle that of power.
Why did you refuse?
I refused to because I had a fundamental disagreement with the President (Obasanjo). He believed we should go left; I believed we should go right. He said I should become the chairman of the committee, I accepted. He inaugurated it, but I never sat. I allowed the Minister of Power then, Liyel Imoke, to sit. You can see that I was right because I told him what we needed was short-term, medium-term and long-term solutions to the power sector reform. He wanted to go for the long-term and up till now, we are not yet there. If we had adopted the short- term and medium-term solutions to our power problem, we would have been self-sufficient by 2005; even before we left office; because that strategy was planned for small and medium power stations in various parts of the country. We had even harvested international bids: people, who were prepared to come and invest $500m, $250m to set up small and medium -size power stations. By now, we would have been self-sufficient, but he said, ‘Oh, we must go gas’ and I said, ‘Gas? There is a problem. It’s long term; a lot of investments. There is instability in the region (Niger Delta). You must bring peace, before they would allow you to evacuate the gas. There is the issue of building the gas infrastructure, which takes a longer time and also a lot of investments and that I don’t see us even getting there in the next 10 years.’ But he said, ‘No, this is the way I want. We must go that way.’ I said, ‘Ok, fine, you are the President,’ and I declined to sit on the power committee till we left office. That is why when there was an investigation by the National Assembly; nobody invited me because my name was never there. Contracts were awarded and paid 100 per cent upfront; people disappeared with the money, and even stole, yet no power. I stand by this: We must have short- term, medium-term and long- term power solutions.
Is that why you recently called for the reversal of the privatisation of the Power Holding Company of Nigeria?
How does one begin to privatise distribution? Distribution of what? There is no power. First of all, one should start with generation. When one starts with generation, then transmission follows. After there is enough power, then one knows that one has the capacity to transmit and then one can now distribute. But they started with distribution, distribution of water or what? I mean, one can’t do that. Now we have privatised distribution, where is the power to distribute? No power! And they borrowed money from the banks to go and set up these companies. They said the Federal Government gave billions to encourage the privatisation; now they are not recouping the money. They have huge loans. There will be interest and there is no power to distribute. They have also increased electricity tariff when there is no power.
Some people have called for the removal of fuel subsidy while oil price in the global market has crashed. Are you in support of this and what must the incoming government do to diversify the economy because almost all the states have problems?
First and foremost, I was in charge of deregulation and we had started. If we had continued our programme, we would have finished deregulation before our government left office. But unfortunately we did not. Thus, as far as I am concerned, I’m in for full and total deregulation in the downstream oil sector. Let the market determine (the economic needs).
Believe me, we are complaining now because there is subsidy. By the time one deregulates and opens the market, everybody is free to bring in these finished products and sell, there will be competition and the prices are even likely to come down. I am for deregulation. There is no doubt about it because at the end of the day, I think that is the best for the country.
On the issue of the prices of petroleum, I don’t think $50 is too low because when we came in, how much was it? $20? Yet we were able to implement our programmes. Therefore, it is all an issue of planning. Of course, governments, both military and democratic, over the years have always been talking of diversifying the economy, but no government has really focused on the issue of diversifying the economy so that the reliance on oil can be reduced substantially. When we go back to the Gross Domestic Product, we know oil is just about 15 to 20 per cent; the rest is either services or this and that. But then, I believe the diversification of the economy would have been much better for us if we had done it a long time ago.
Do you have any pact with the APC leadership or the President-elect for you to nominate people into positions in the incoming government and what roles will you play in the next administration?
There is no pact. Essentially, I am a party man. Therefore, I will do wholeheartedly whatever the party decides I should do or that I should help in doing.
At the APC primaries you were expected to win, but you were in a distant third position.
No! With 20 votes.
But did you suspect any conspiracy?
As far as I am concerned, the APC primaries have become history. We have gone beyond that. I have endorsed the outcome of the primaries. I said the process was successful. That is it.
Talking about forming the next government, do you support reducing the cost of governance by cutting down the size of government in the country?
Yes, I believe that particularly, the Federal Government should cut down on cost. If we devolve more powers to the state and local governments, obviously we don’t need a very unwieldy government structure as we have. There is too much at the federal level – too much to do.
How many ministers should the President-elect appoint? The constitution says a minister must come from each state of the federation?
One cannot avoid constitutional provisions. One has to be law-abiding so he (the President-elect) has to go by the constitution as far as the issue of ministerial positions is concerned.
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has stated that contrary to widespread claims, he remains proud of the delegates of the All Progressives Congress, APC, in Adamawa state who voted against his preferred candidate in the governorship primary election that held on Wednesday.
Mr. Abubakar said he could have imposed his preferred candidate if he wished to.
Former Vice-President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar
Mr. Abubakar who was reacting to a reporter’s question in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, on Saturday, said although he had a preferred candidate, the defeat of such candidate should not mean it is a personal defeat for him.
“Yes, I had a preferred candidate, someone I have known for a very long time, and whom I thought would be a terrific governor. Yes, he was defeated at the polls. Now some people are saying this is my defeat. Why would they do this?” he asked.
In a primary election that lasted nearly 24 hours, a serving Senator, Jibrill Bindow, emerged as winner.
Mr. Bindow scored 1,880 votes to defeat Yayaji Mijinyawa, Mr. Abubakar’s preferred candidate, who scored 1,183 vote to place second, while a former secretary to the state government, Kobis Thimnu, polled 85 votes.
The former vice president said rather than be angry, what transpired at the Lamido Cinema in Yola has consolidated his belief in the country’s democratic growth.
“You know, I have always fought for democracy. In this country, in the PDP, and now in the APC. I have always argued that we need political competition. And you are telling me that if we have political competition, and my preference does not prevail, I have lost. This is nonsense,” he said.
Mr. Abubakar said he would have felt defeated if a winner had emerged through rigging or imposition against the wishes of the people.
“So, let’s stop this nonsense, and let me set the record straight, once and for all: Adamawa has made me proud: delegates have voted for the candidate they thought was best qualified for the job.
“If the citizens of Adamawa agree, he will be their next governor; if he does a good job, he will be re-elected for a second term; if not, another APC candidate will compete for his ticket,” Mr. Abubakar said.
Why I did not impose my candidate
Mr. Abubakar also stated that although he had the clout to impose his candidate and ensure he emerged as the party’s flag bearer, he said he chose to remain a democrat.
“Do you really think I could not have imposed a candidate if I had wanted to?
“But seriously, why should I, why would I want to do this? I am a democrat. Imposing a candidate would go against everything I fought for, it would go against everything the APC should stand for: the right of the people, be they delegates or citizens, to choose who should be in charge,” he said.
Mr. Abubakar said the choice of Mr. Bindow has reaffirmed the internal democracy that prevails in the APC.
“This is what I have fought for, and this is what I count on for the Presidential Primaries next week,” Mr. Abubakar said.
Meanwhile, a political group associated with the former Vice president, Adamawa Think Tank, has stated that despite the outcome of last Wednesday’s primary election, Adamawa delegates will vote for Mr. Abubakar at the party’s national convention.
The APC will hold its presidential nomination on Wednesday in Lagos, and Mr. Abubakar is one of five candidates seeking to get the nod of the party to run on its platform.
Other candidates running alongside Mr. Abubakar include former Head of State Muhammadu Buhari, Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano, State, Rochas Okorocha of Imo and newspaper publisher, Sam Nda-Isaiah.
In a statement Saturday, signed its coordinator, Danladi Asabe, Adamawa think Tank said “Atiku was not a candidate on Wednesday, he was merely a delegate like all others”.
The group recalled that the state chapter of the APC recently held a press conference and assured the world that they are behind Mr. Abubakar in his quest to run for the presidency.
“Atiku remains our best asset in Adamawa and he possess all the requirement of a competent leader, Nigeria will surely benefit from an Atiku presidency,” they said.
A former Vice President, a presidential aspirant on the All Progressives Congress, Atiku Abubakar has lambasted the Federal Government on information handling regarding the Boko Haram insurgency in the North of Nigeria.
Former Vice-President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar
While addressing crowd on the humanitarian crisis caused by the areas recently over run by the insurgents on Monday in Abuja, Atiku noted that unless Federal Government meet up to their responsibilities in securing the lives of the citizens, Boko Haram can over run Nigeria.
The Presidential candidate lamented that Nigeria military fought and ended a civil war, reconciled and reconsructed within 30 months now found it hard to end insurgency in 5 years.
He said that the inability of the government to end insurgency in five years is as a result of the nation leadership deficit since the present administration could not re-equp the military within this period to tackle the menace
He said, “Ever since these terrorists have been taking over territories, there was never a time the Nigerian military has recovered one inch of any lost territory in these five years.
He revealed that two local government areas in Yobe, five in Adamawa and about nine in Borno states which have been over taken by the members of the Boko Haram has not been recovered.
“Can you imagine a whole country like Nigeria with its armed forces? Not one inch of territory recovered from the terrorists? How can you now convince me that this government has the capacity to recover an inch if in the last five years they have not recovered one inch? Government must rise up to its responsibility of protecting its citizens otherwise the whole of this country can be overrun.”
The former vice President accused the goernment of withholding the information behind the reason the international community refused to assist in rescuing the Chibok girls which were abudcted in April, 2014, adding that the federal government has failed to rise up to the occasion.
He argued that unless government deal with the security challenges the country is presently facing, other things would suffer.
“For me, I don’t believe really that the government has exerted itself in trying to contain this situation because even if it means the government should move in 10,000 troops to a location to deal decisively with this situation, it should not be shy to do so,” he added.
“This is a government which has allowed a small bunch of small terrorists group for close to five years in this country to operate freely.
“We fought a full blown civil war in 30 months in Nigeria and we achieved total reconciliation and reconstruction in 30 months.
“I also recall when we were in office, such an insurgency arose in Yobe State and the former governor of Yobe State is here, when he was in office, it took us just a few weeks to flush out those insurgents, we dealt with them.”
Former Vice- President and leading presidential candidate of the All Progressive Congress, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, has explained his decision to stay away from Wednesday’s Special Convention of the party.
Atiku made the disclosure via his official facebook account (Atiku Abubakar), which boast of 390,408 likes, saying that he was unable to return from a business trip abroad as earlier scheduled to make it to the convention.
“I was scheduled to return to Nigeria yesterday from a quick business trip abroad, but could not, due to last minute logistics changes.
This is why I couldn’t attend the APC Special Convention. Apologies to leaders & supporters of our great party, who were expecting me -AA,” he posted on his facebook’s wall.
The Special convention was convened to approve the party’s amended constitution and adopt its revised six point manifesto. It was also an avenue for all the other presidential aspirants to address party’s delegates.
Former military dictator, General Mohammadu Buhari, Kano state governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso, his Imo state counterpart Rochas Okorocha, and Leadership newspaper publisher Nda Isaiah addressed the convention.
A former vice President of Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar has debunked a story in a section of the media (Not NAIJA CENTER NEWS) today that he called one of the All Progressives Congress, and a presidential candidate of the party some unpleasant names.
Atiku and Buhari
Some Media earlier reported that Atiku called Buhari a religious fundamentalist, adding that he is corrupt but hiding to deceive Nigerians.
Reacting to what seems like a fabricated story, the former head of state said such report is mischievous and accused the Peoples Democratic Party of orchestrating such propaganda.
Atiku reiterated his stand that he would support anyone who the party elect to run in 2015 general election.
He said “I have read recent reports in newspapers and on social media, calling my fellow APC leader, and statesman, General Buhari a religious fundamentalist. I would like to state categorically that those reports are patently false. The report clearly is a mischievous attempt by obvious political opponents of the APC and the PDP media, seeking to cause discord within the ranks of the party, especially supporters of General Buhari .
“For clarity, I would refer our supporters to the full text of my Sallah statement – General Buhari did not feature in that statement by name or innuendo. I have also recently commended General Buhari’s support of internal democracy in our party, APC.
“My statement in that regard still stands; I am committed to support whichever candidate the delegates of our great party elect to carry the flag of our party into the 2015 presidential elections. General Buhari has committed to do same, and this is where our commitment stands.
“My campaign is committed to a clean race, run on issues and ideas to create a Nigeria for all, we have no reason to change from this path.”
The All Progressives Congress leaders have been meeting to avert likely crisis that may trail its presidential primary scheduled to hold in a few weeks from now.
Atiku and Buhari
Saturday PUNCH authoritatively learnt in Abuja on Thursday that the leaders had begun discussions with aspirants on the need to make the forthcoming primary less acrimonious.
As part of the moves to ensure peace in the party, the leadership is said to be pursuing the option of a consensus candidate.
The race for the ticket appears to be keenest between the former Head of State, Maj.-Gen.Muhammadu Buhari (retd.) and former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar.
But analysts believe that the Kano State Governor, Alhaji Ibrahim Kwakwanso’s interest in the party ticket cannot be ignored.
It was gathered that the APC National Chairman, Chief John Oyegun, and national leader, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, had separately held at least two informal meetings with Buhari and Atiku.
It was also learnt that the two leaders had made personal appeals to the presidential aspirants to consider “the greater good” of the party.
However, none of the two aspirants has shown readiness to back out of the move to get the party’s presidential ticket.
The two leading aspirants had used recent party events to reach out to party loyalists and the would- be-delegates.
The latest being the APC recent mobilisation efforts in Sokoto and Lokoja where the party received some defectors.
But a chieftain of the APC in the South-East, Mr. Osita Okechukwu, confirmed that the party was aware that there would be challenges from the early stage, especially in the build-up to the primary, adding that the party had been holding meetings over the issue.
He said, “Many aspirants have expressed interest in the APC presidential ticket and all of them are qualified, so the party is considering whether to go for direct or indirect primary. But some of us are of the opinion that consensus may be better.
“But the likely challenge is that the person with a fat pocket may win the primary, considering the fact that he can just sit somewhere and control the situation of things.”
The APC National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, expressed anger on insinuation of a likely difficulty in resolving the issue of three strong candidates seeking the party’s presidential ticket.
He said, “The primary is yet to hold. We should leave them till when the time comes. As long as the process is transparent, the party will resolve the matter.”
Meanwhile, plans are underway by the Northern Elders Forum to set up a committee that will harmonise the positions of northern leaders ahead of the 2015 presidential poll.
Saturday PUNCH gathered that since the Peoples Democratic Party endorsed President Goodluck Jonthan as its sole candidate, prominent northern groups, especially the NEF, had stepped up efforts to ensure that a northerner wins the presidential poll.
Investigations showed that the proposal to set up a committee of eminent persons was taken so that they could work behind the scene to find a common ground on the 2015 Presidency.
It was gathered that the elders were disturbed that northern leaders were sharply divided over the issue of presidential aspirants.
It was learnt that the NEF was reaching out to other groups, including the Arewa Consultative Forum, to sort out the differences among northern leaders on the issue.
For example, a prominent member of the ACF, Alhaji Lawal Kaita, is a known supporter of Atiku.
A former Inspector-General of Police, Ibrahim Commasie, who is the ACF chairman, is known to have a soft spot for Buhari.
A source, who confided in one of our correspondents, said, “We will soon set up a committee to sort out all these issues; our collective interest is uppermost.”
When contacted, the spokesman for the NEF, Prof. Ango Abdullahi, declined to confirm the group’s plan on the committee, saying the elders would not reveal their strategies.
He, however, said that the PDP governors in the North could not save Jonathan from being defeated in the February 14, 2015 election.
Condemning the ruling party’s endorsement of Jonathan, he said, “Since the PDP has already closed its doors, the North has closed its doors to the PDP.
Says his father wanted him to be Islamic scholar or herdsman
JADA
I was born on November 25, 1946 in Jada, Adamawa State, Nigeria. I was named after my paternal grandfather, Atiku Abdulkadir. It was the practice among the Fulani people to name their first sons after their paternal grandfathers.
Former Vice-President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar
My grandfather, Atiku, came originally from Wurno in Sokoto State. There, he had met and befriended Ardo Usman, a Fulani nobleman from what is now known as Adamawa State. My grandfather decided to accompany his new friend back to his home- town of Adamawa.
They settled in Kojoli, a small village in Jada Local Government Council of Adamawa State. My grandfather farmed, kept livestock and raised a family. He married a local girl in Kojoli and gave birth to my father, Garba Atiku Abdulkadir. He was their only child.
My father was an itinerant trader who traveled from one market to another selling imitation jewelry, caps, needles, potash, kola nuts and other nick-knacks which he ferried around on the back of his donkey. He also kept some livestock and cultivated guinea corn, maize and groundnuts.
When it was time for him to marry, my father chose a young girl from nearby Jada town whose parents had migrated from Dutse, now the capital of Jigawa State. My mother, Aisha Kande, was born in Jada.
Both my father and paternal grandfather were learned men. They gave free Islamic classes to adults and young people in Kojoli during their spare time.
As a young boy growing up in Kojoli, my parents doted on me. They tried their best to provide for me and to ensure that I grew up in a wholesome environment of love and spirituality. My father saw me as a rare gift, a child of destiny.
My parents tried unsuccessfully to have more children.
GOING TO SCHOOL
My father, Garba Atiku Abdulkadir, was fond of me. He wanted me to become an Islamic scholar, herdsman, farmer and trader – just like him. He was a deeply religious man who was suspicious of Western education which he believed could corrupt the impressionable minds of young people.
My father did not want me to go to school. He tried to hide me from the prying eyes of Native Authority officials who had embarked on compulsory mass literacy campaign in the region. My father soon discovered that he could not resist the wind of change that was blowing through the area at the time.
My mother’s older brother, Kawu Ali who had received a little education through adult literacy classes, registered me at Jada Primary School in January 1954 as Atiku Kojoli.
For trying to stop me from going to school, my father was arrested, charged to an Alkali court and fined 10 Shillings. He refused to pay the fine. He said he had no money.
He spent a few days in jail until my maternal grandmother, who made local soap for sale in the community, raised the money to pay the fine and father was released to her.
But my father was not a happy man. He was sad and angry that his only child had been taken away from him to be exposed to a strange world. He saw Western education as a threat to their cherished values and way of life.
FATHER’S DEATH
Three years after I started school, tragedy struck in December 1957. I was then11 years old. I was just about to begin the Senior Primary School in Jada as a boarding pupil. My father drowned while trying to cross a small river known as Mayo Choncha on the outskirts of Toungo, a neighbouring town.
The river was in high tide following a heavy rainfall. Father’s body was recovered the following day and buried in Toungo according to Islamic rites. He was less than 40 years old when he died. I built an Islamic primary school at his burial site years later to immortalize him. He was a simple, hard working, kind, honest and God-fearing man. I miss him a lot.
After my father’s death, the task of raising me fell on my mother, Kande, and her childless sister, Azumi, as well as my father’s extended family members in Kojoli. Although people were generally kind and caring towards me, it was difficult for relatives to fill the vacuum left by my father. As such, I was often sad and lonely. Father’s death pained me greatly.
I resolved to work hard, remain focused and be successful in life to make my father proud. I was sure that he was somewhere watching over me. I did not want to disappoint him. I wish father had lived long enough to see the benefits of Western education in my life.
KADUNA, KANO & ZARIA
After completing my primary school in Jada in 1960, I was admitted into Adamawa Provincial Secondary School in Yola. I joined 59 other young boys from Adamawa and beyond in January 1961 to begin a five-year high school journey. The school’s motto is Tiddo Yo Daddo, a Fulani aphorism for “Endurance is Success”.
It reminded us daily that success in life would only come to those who worked hard and persevered. Adamawa Provincial Secondary School, like others in the region, belonged in the second category of post-primary institutions in Northern Nigeria. The most prestigious schools were the Government Colleges in Zaria and Keffi.
Pupils who excelled in the entrance examination went to the Government Colleges; those who did reasonably well went to the Provincial Secondary Schools; average students were sent to the Craft Schools in the various Divisions; and those who failed the examination were sent to Farm Centres which were established in all the Districts. It was a good system which took care of everyone irrespective of his or her level of intelligence.
When I was 15, I spent my school holiday at home, working as a clerk in Ganye Native Authority. My boss was Adamu Ciroma, the then District Officer. From my holiday job earnings, I bought a house for my mother in Ganye, the headquarters of the local government council. The thatched mud bungalow had two rooms plus a kitchen and bathroom. It cost me about nine Pounds Sterling. My mother was very happy and proud of me. I had saved her from homelessness after her older brother sold the family house in Jada without her knowledge.
SERVING IN THE CUSTOMS
Before completing my Diploma in Law programme in June 1969, a team from the Federal Civil Service Commission came on a recruitment drive to the university. By chance one of the interviewers found in my file a report that I had once been found suitable to join the police force and had in fact received some training in 1966. This in- formation was brought to the attention of the chairman of the interview panel who promptly ruled. “O.k., you go to the Department of Customs and Excise”.
That was how I joined the Department of Customs and Excise in June 1969. The invisible hand that has always shaped my life had once again steered me towards my destiny.
After my training at the Police College in Ikeja, Lagos and at the Customs Training School in Ebute Metta in Lagos, I was posted to Idi Iroko border station. My colleagues and I were tasked with collecting duties on imported and exported goods, stop- ping the entry and exit of banned items, and arresting and prosecuting smugglers.
I was posted in 1972 to Ikeja Airport in Lagos and later to Apapa ports in Lagos.
I saw Customs not as a punitive institution but as a way of making money for government. Instead of seizing goods and extorting money from their owners, I made money for government. A lot of people tried unsuccessfully to induce me.
I was posted to Ibadan mid 1975 and promoted Superintendent of Customs. This was during the memorable days of General Murtala Muhammed, the nation’s new military leader who had electrified the nation with his campaign for discipline, probity, hard work, patriotism and dedication to duty.
I admired General Muhammed and tried to promote the same values and attitudinal change in our office. I was nick-named “Murtala Muhammed Junior” by my Customs subordinates in Ibadan because they said I was behaving like him. Although I was second-in-command in Ibadan, I used to order late-comers to be locked out of their offices.
I was sad to hear about General Muhammed’s assassination on February 13, 1976 during a failed military coup. Some of those who were later implicated in the coup and killed were well known to me. But I did not know they were involved in a coup plot. Shortly after that failed coup, I was transferred to Kano in 1976.
MAKING MONEY
I recognized very early in life that I have a good nose for business. In 1974 I applied for and obtained a Federal Staff Housing Loan. The loan, which amounted to 31,000 Naira, was the equivalent of my salary for five years. I was granted a plot of land by the Gongola State Government at Yola Government Reserved Area (GRA).
I hired a foreman and began building my first house. With close personal supervision, the bungalow was completed on time and to my taste. I rented it out immediately. The rent I collected in advance on the house was substantial enough for me to purchase a second plot.
I built my second house there and rented it out. I continued to plow back the rent into the building of new houses and within a few years I had built eight houses in choice areas of Yola. I also built a new house for my mother and rebuilt the old mud house I bought for her in Ganye when I was a 15-year-old student.
Property investment can be very rewarding. It is safe and the returns are high de- pending on the location. Kaduna, for instance, was a good place to invest in property before the emergence of Abuja. I built my first house in Kaduna with rent from other property. I bought six more plots and built residential houses and rented them out to individuals and institutions.
Of all the businesses into which I would venture, the most successful and the most lucrative would be a small oil services company I established with an Italian business man in the early 1980s. I met Gabriel Volpi when he was working at Apapa Ports in 1982. The Genoa, Italy-born Volpi was a director in MED Africa, a shipping company.
Volpi suggested we go into oil and gas logistics. He knew Nigeria’s future was in oil and gas. We registered the Nigeria Container Services (NICOTES), operating from a container office at Apapa Ports. I was not involved in the running of the company.
NICOTES relocated later to the Federal Lighter Terminal in Port Harcourt when the business began to grow. The company, now known as INTELS (Integrated and Logistics Services), has grown into a multi-billion Naira business providing over 15,000 jobs in Nigeria and other African countries, and paying hefty dividends to its shareholders.
MOTHER’S DEATH
My mother, Aisha Kande, died suddenly of a heart attack in 1984. I was in Lagos where I had been posted as the Customs Area Administrator in charge of Murtala Muhammed Airport in Ikeja. Lamido Aliyu Musdafa summoned me home and broke the sad news to me in his palace. I wept like a child. She was hale and hearty when we last saw a week earlier.
A MATTER OF PRINCIPLE
A few months before my mother’s death, soldiers had overthrown the civilian administration of Shehu Shagari on December 31, 1983. Major-General Muhammadu Buhari became the new Head of State. As part of its monetary policies, the Buhari government had introduced new Naira notes in April 1984.
The policy was aimed at halting the illegal speculative trading of the Naira outside the shores of Nigeria. A time limit was imposed within which old notes could be turned in for new ones. Government agencies at the nation’s borders, sea and air ports were instructed to screen all bags and containers entering the country to ensure old Naira notes were not being smuggled into the country.
A first class traditional ruler and a returning Nigeria diplomat had arrived from Saudi Arabia with several bags. My officers at the airport in Lagos were not allowed to search the bags. The duty officers reported the incident in writing. I did not know how a newspaper got wind of it. The Guardian, a Lagos-based newspaper, reported on its front page on June 10, 1984 that “Passenger with 53 suitcases leaves airport unchecked”.
The incident became a scandal and government was forced to set up an administrative panel of inquiry to determine why due process was not followed. The government was clearly embarrassed by the incident and rather than punish those who flouted its directive that all baggage be searched, it began to look for scapegoats. They mounted pressure on me to deny that the incident ever happened. I was threatened and intimidated. I vowed to surrender my uniform and quit the Customs rather than lie.
The Federal Government would later declare that the controversial 53 suitcases contained the personal effects of the traditional ruler, the returning ambassador and members of their families. The government added that those who intimidated and threatened the Customs officers on duty on that day at the airport had been reprimanded.
Some government officials wanted me sacked for not covering up their mess. But Finance Minister Onaolapo Soleye, who supervised the Department of Customs and Excise, said I should be left alone.
Soleye did not know me. He acted on the basis of the facts before him. He said it would be unfair to punish me for doing my job and for standing by my officers. He was also swayed by my impeccable service record. No queries. No sanctions. My file was filled with commendations for meeting and exceeding revenue targets at the different posts I had headed.
A PASSION FOR LEARNING
I have always had a passion for education. In 1988, my second wife, Ladi and I registered a limited liability company called ABTI-ZARHAM (formed from the first letters of the names of our children: Abba and Atiku Jnr = ABTI and Zainab, Rukaiya, Hauwa and Maryam = ZARHAM). We established ABTI Nursery and Primary School in Yola in 1992.
We later set up ABTI Academy, an elite high school with boarding facilities modeled after the British public school. It was followed by ABTI-American University (now American University of Nigeria, Yola). It provides American-style university education to students. Nothing gives me more joy and fulfillment in life than my modest contributions to the improvement of education in Nigeria.
POLITICAL LIFE
Meeting Yar’Adua
While in my office one day, I was informed that Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, the retired Major-General and former deputy to Obasanjo, was waiting to see me. Yar’Adua wanted a license to import beans from Niger Republic for sale in Nigeria. I told him that he would have to write an application to President Ibrahim Babangida for the license. Yar’Adua thanked me and left.
Babangida approved his application. Yar’Adua imported the beans from Niger Republic, sold them and made good money. He felt he needed to show appreciation to me for assisting him. I was happy to see him again when he visited me and happier still to know that his business had gone well.
He offered me a token of appreciation, but I declined, saying it was unnecessary. I was just doing my job. Yar’Adua was highly impressed. In an organization known for its endemic corruption and unethical deals, he was happy to find one decent officer. From that day, a friendship developed between us.
Going into politics
When I joined the Customs 20 years earlier, I had drawn a graph anticipating my career progression from Cadet to Director of Customs by age 40. I told myself that if by the time I was 40 years old I did not head the organization, I would quit.
I retired at 43 as a Deputy Director on April 30, 1989. I paid the mandatory three months salary in lieu of notice to government.
A year before my retirement, I had started attending political meetings at Shehu Yar’Adua’s house in Ikoyi, Lagos.
“Look, you are good, you relate well with people. I think you will make a good politician. Why don’t you join me in politics”, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua said to me one day.
That was how it all started. The Yar’Adua Group, as we came to be known, wanted to build a bridge across the old fault lines of ethnicity, religion and region.
In May 1989, the Babangida administration finally lifted the ban on party politics. The Yar’Adua group immediately unveiled its political association, the People’s Front of Nigeria (PFN), which had “the pursuit of justice, peace, and service” as its motto and “People First” as its slogan.
At its first national convention in June 1989, Farouk Abdul Azeez, a medical doctor from the then Kwara State, was elected Chairman while a woman, Titi Ajanaku, was elected National Secretary.
Six of us represented the then Gongola State at the convention. I was elected one of the National Vice Chairmen of the party. I was also in charge of setting up party structures in the South-East where I already had a network of friends and business associates. Yar’Adua and I paid the initial expenses of the PFN.
I took PFN to Gongola State. It was the first political association to be launched in the state when the ban on party politics was lifted. I was the party’s sole financier in the state. My contributions to my immediate community had earned me a lot of good- will and support.
Of the 13 political associations formed at the time, the PFN was the most organized and disciplined. Yet, on October 7, 1989, President Babangida announced that his Armed Forces Ruling Council had decided not to register any of the associations be- cause, as he put it, “the associations were set up by the same old discredited politicians who must never be allowed back in power”.
He disbanded the 13 associations and created and funded two new parties – the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC).
The SDP, he said, was a little to the left in terms of its ideological orientation while the NRC was a little to the right. He asked politicians to join either of the two.
We in the Yar’Adua group decided to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP), the party considered closer to the PFN in ideological orientation.
The parties were formally launched in Abuja on October 7, 1989. I was one of the delegates from Gongola State. I was elected to the 1989 Constituent Assembly.
To be Governor
On August 27, 1991, the Babangida administration created nine new states. Gongola State was broken into Adamawa and Taraba States.
The SDP governorship primary in Adamawa State was held in November 1991. Six people contested with me, including Bala Takaya, a former political science lecturer at the University of Jos.
The primary took place amidst allegations that the state party executives were solidly behind Bala Takaya. Voting was relatively peaceful and orderly. The result was however disputed. I was declared winner but Bala Takaya and his supporters protested.
It was amidst this chaos that in December 1991, the Babangida administration announced the cancellation of nine state primary election results, including that of Adamawa. Takaya and I were also disqualified from contesting the upcoming governorship election.
The former state Chairman of the party, Boss Mustapha, emerged the winner of a fresh governorship primary. He had just two weeks to convince the people of Adamawa State to vote for him.
Apart from the short time available for campaign, Mustapha’s chances were also weakened by the unresolved internal bickering in the party. So it was not surprising that the candidate of the rival NRC, Saleh Michika, won the December 14, 1991 governorship election.
To be President
Yar’Adua and 12 other so-called banned politicians were arrested and detained on December 2, 1991 for participating in politics despite having been banned. He was released on December 20, 1991 after 17 days in detention. He was free to participate in politics again, the government said.
We, his associates, persuaded him to join the race for the presidency. He declared his interest on February 25, 1992 at City Hall, Lagos. He was one of the 50 presidential aspirants of the two parties that participated in the six-zone presidential primaries from May 2 to June 20, 1992. I was Yar’Adua’s campaign coordinator.
I had no doubt in my mind that he would have made a good President. He had a vision and he knew how to bring good people together to achieve his goals.
A three-stage party primary was introduced, beginning in September 1992. By the end of the first round, Yar’Adua had emerged the front-runner, beating prominent politicians in their strongholds. The Babangida administration cashed in on the unfounded allegations of rigging, thuggery and bribery and cancelled the primary results on November 17, 1992.
All 23 presidential aspirants were also banned. The executives of the two parties were dissolved. A new system of presidential primary was announced. The handover date from military to civilian rule was extended to August 17, 1993.
With Yar’Adua banned, the group needed someone that its members could rally round. My influence, hard work and selfless contributions to the Yar’Adua group as well as my loyalty to Yar’Adua and my youthfulness (I was then 46 years old) counted in my favour.
My closeness to Tafida (as I used to call him) also meant that I would inherit both his goodwill and his ill-will. I knew that those who did not want Yar’Adua to become President could also stop me. But I was not deterred. I decided to run on the same ideas and vision that Yar’Adua had espoused during his candidacy – a strong, united, democratic and prosperous Nigeria.
Babagana Kingibe, a former member of the Yar’Adua group who became SDP Chairman because of the group’s support, was also vying for the party’s presidential ticket. So was newcomer Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, a wealthy businessman and newspaper publisher.
I contested and won the SDP presidential primary in Adamawa State in March 1993. Moshood Abiola, 55 years old, and Babagana Kingibe, 48, had also won in their respective states. Altogether, 27 of us from various states converged in Jos in March 1993 to contest the SDP presidential ticket at the national convention of the party.
To stop Kingibe, whom we all believed had betrayed our group, the Yar’Adua group resolved to negotiate with Abiola. We would support Abiola’s candidacy for the presidency in return for making me his running mate. We met Abiola and his key advisers and agreed to go to the Jos convention to push for an Abiola-Atiku ticket.
Thereafter, we would harmonize our campaign structures and finances. At the end of the first ballot, Abiola came first with 3,617 votes. Kingibe came a close second with 3,225 votes. I came third with 2,066 votes.
We met again with Abiola. We agreed that I should step down for Abiola in the final round of voting. I agreed to subordinate my personal ambition for the sake of democracy. I was ready for any personal sacrifice that could end military rule in Nigeria.
In the two-way race between Abiola and Kingibe, Abiola triumphed with 2,683 votes to Kingibe’s 2,456 votes.
However, Abiola refused to honour the agreement to make me his running mate. He picked Babagana Kingibe.
Yar’Adua was angry over Abiola’s betrayal. I knew it would be difficult to persuade him to support Abiola again. I was concerned about our party. Without the support of the Yar’Adua group, the SDP could lose the presidential election to the NRC whose Bashir Tofa, then 46, was generally thought to be inexperienced.
Knowing that Shehu Yar’Adua’s father and former military ruler Olusegun Obasanjo were the two people in the world that Yar’Adua could not refuse, I went to see Obasanjo at his Ota farm to ask him to convince Yar’Adua not to withdraw his support for Abiola. I said the Yar’Adua group needed to work closely with Abiola to defeat the reactionary forces in the upcoming election and to get Babangida out of office.
Obasanjo promised to talk to his former deputy. He did. And the Yar’Adua group went on to support Abiola who won the June 12 election. But the Babangida administration annulled the election midway into the vote count.
We were all sad and angry about the annulment. We were tired of the endless transition. But we could not leave the ship of state adrift. We began consulting other political groups. In the end, a compromise was reached to form an Interim National Government (ING) with corporate chieftain Ernest Shonekan as Head. The ING was sacked three months later by General Sani Abacha, the Defence Minister. Nigeria once again returned to full military rule.
POLITICAL CRISIS
A little over six months into his administration, Abacha gathered politicians in Abuja to fashion yet another Constitution. I was elected by my people to represent them at the Constituent Assembly. Shehu Yar’Adua was also an elected delegate from Katsina State.
The conference began in June 1994 with 273 delegates, including 96 appointees of government. In the middle of its proceedings, I was informed that Abacha wanted to see me. When I met him, Abacha told me he would like to work with me. He said I should support his political programme and advised me to dump Yar’Adua.
I said Yar’Adua was my friend and that he should not try to tear us apart. I said I was my own man and that I could take decisions of my own. Abacha was not impressed. He asked me to go and think about it.
By March 1995 Abacha began to move against opponents of his government. Yar’Adua was the first on his list. He was arrested and detained on March 9, 1995 for daring to recommend a terminal date for the Abacha government. General Obasanjo was also arrested.
Days after their arrest, Abdulsalami Abubakar, Chief of the Defence Staff, addressed a press conference in Lagos during which he disclosed that 29 officers and civilians had been arrested in connection with a coup plot.
Suspects were tortured and forced to confess their role in the coup and to implicate innocent men such as Obasanjo and Yar’Adua. A sham trial was staged. Yar’Adua was sentenced to death and Obasanjo to life imprisonment.
In an Independence Day broadcast on October 1, 1995, Abacha announced the commutal of 13 of the death sentences to various terms of imprisonment. Obasanjo’s life sentence was reduced to 15 years while Yar’Adua’s death sentence was reduced to 25 years. This was in response to pressure from to a coalition of journalists, human rights activists, pro-democracy campaigners and the international community, including the Pope.
I visited Kirikiri as often as I could to see Yar’Adua with Inua Baba, the Plateau State-born personal assistant to Yar’Adua. In detention, Yar’Adua was more concerned about the future of the country than about his own life. He feared that Abacha would throw the country into chaos. He was later transferred to Port Harcourt and Abakaliki Prisons.
Abacha was not satisfied keeping Yar’Adua in jail and intimidating me. He was determined to cripple our businesses as well. He seized our most lucrative business, NICOTES, and renamed it INTELS (Integrated and Logistics Services). Yar’Adua and I were removed from the company as shareholders.
My residence in Kaduna was attacked by unknown gunmen in May 1995. Six policemen and one guard died in that attack. It is still a miracle to me how my wife, Titi, our son, Adamu, and I escaped unhurt.
Going into exile
Following the bloody attack in Kaduna, family and friends persuaded me to leave the country for a while. Abacha’s security agents trailed me everywhere in their unmarked cars and trademark dark sunglasses. My telephone lines were bugged. I had to sneak out at night to meet people. My life under Abacha was horrible.
The State Security Service (SSS) seized my international passport just as I was making plans to travel outside the country to cool off and to seek the support of some political and business leaders in Europe and the United States for the democratic struggle in Nigeria.
I obtained another passport in the name of Atiku Kojoli. With the assistance of friends within the security forces at the airport, I was smuggled into a London-bound flight directly from the tarmac.
I arrived London late 1995. I made several unsuccessful efforts to reach the British Foreign Office. The government of Prime Minister John Major was, as usual with the British, a bit too cautious in its dealings with the Nigerian opposition.
From London, I linked up with Jackie Farris who had worked as a consultant on polling and political strategy with the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua presidential campaign in 1992. Through her I was able to re-establish contacts with former Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young. He promised to talk to his contacts at the State Department in Washing- ton, DC to get me an appointment.
While in the United States, I also re-established contact with Jennifer Iwenjiora, the television journalist I had known as a friend in Lagos since 1982. She was then liv- ing in Maryland. Jennifer and I later married and had Abdulmalik, Zahra and Faisal.
Jennifer took me to some of the contacts Young and Farris had arranged for me in Washington, D.C. USA.
Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Susan Rice, received me warmly in her office. I briefed her on the political situation in Nigeria and commended the Clinton Administration for supporting the democratic struggle in Nigeria.
I pleaded with the Administration to press Abacha to free political prisoners, such as Yar’Adua and Obasanjo, and restore democratic rule. Rice expressed delight in seeing me and promised the Clinton Administration’s commitment to the restoration of democracy in Nigeria.
Yar’Adua’s death
I wept like a baby on December 8, 1997 when I was informed that Shehu Musa Yar’Adua had died in Abakaliki prison. He was just 54 years old.
Yar’Adua had transformed Nigerian politics with his organizational skill, analytical mind and his uncommon gift as a strategist. I lost a brother, a mentor, a confidant and a friend in Yar’Adua.
Death of Abacha & Abiola
Then, on June 8, 1998 Abacha died suddenly of a heart attack in Abuja at the age of 54. Chief of the Defence Staff, Abdulsalami Abubakar, became the new Head of State. One month after Abach’s death, Moshood Abiola also died suddenly in detention.
General Abdulsalami Abubakar read the national mood well. He released political detainees and announced a short transition to civil rule programme. He also began to look into previous rights violations. I petitioned him about the seizure of INTELS from Yar’Adua and I. He set up a committee to look into it and the committee promptly recommended that the company be returned to us as the rightful owners.
From Governor to Vice Presidency
As soon as the military government announced its transition programme, the Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM), as the Yar’Adua group came to be known, immediately reconvened in Lagos.
We resolved to liaise with other political associations with the hope of setting up a strong national party that would promote unity and stability and serve as a bulwark against military incursion into politics.
On August 19, 1998, the PDM and other groups came together to form the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) as “a credible, nationwide, people-oriented and principled political party, enjoying the widest support throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria”.
I led a small group to identify a presidential candidate from the South-west that we could support. The Abubakar government sent an emissary to inform us that they wanted Olusegun Obasanjo.
In the end, our group agreed to support Obasanjo’s candidacy. A contact team was set up with Lawal Kaita, Sunday Afolabi, Ango Abdullahi, Titi Ajanaku and I as members.
We were convinced that Obasanjo would make a good President.
After Obasanjo agreed to contest the PDP presidential primary, I went back to Adamawa to realize my long-time dream of governing my state. I was unanimously picked as the PDP governorship candidate for Adamawa State. Boni Haruna was my running mate.
I won the January 9, 1999 governorship election, defeating my perennial rival, Bala Takaya of the All Nigeria People’s Party.
The PDP held its national convention in Jos in January 1999 and Obasanjo defeated former Vice President Alex Ekwueme to become the party’s candidate. He chose me as his Vice Presidential candidate. I was quite surprised as I had not shown any interest in the position. I wanted to govern my state but that was not God’s will.
Our ticket was sold to the electorate as a team of two great personalities, the convergence of two generations and the bridging of the South/Christian and North/ Muslim gulf.
Obasanjo went on to win the February 27, 1999 presidential election, defeating former Secretary to the Government, Olu Falae, who ran on the AD/ANPP joint ticket.
Obasanjo and I were sworn into office as President and Vice President, respectively at a colourful ceremony in Abuja on May 29, 1999.
RE-INVENTING NIGERIA
For eight years, our administration worked assiduously to deepen our young democracy, unite our diverse people, professionalize the armed forces, re-establish our country as a great and respected member of the international community, and reform our economy to become more productive, diverse and globally competitive.
Our reform package included fuel price deregulation, low and stable interest and inflation rates, privatization of inefficient government-owned enterprises, enthroning a culture of transparency and accountability, monetization of the benefits and entitlements of public sector workers, setting up a new pension scheme and growing the revenue base of the government through a fair and equitable, more efficient and easier-to- comply tax system.
In 2001, our administration successfully auctioned mobile phone licenses and by the time we left office in 2007, more than 70 million Nigerians had phones compared to the 400,000 landlines that the state-owned Nigerian Telecommunication Company Limited (NITEL) paraded throughout its existence.
In one of the most courageous and ambitious privatization programmes ever embarked upon in recent times, we sold off scores of unprofitable and inefficient public enterprises, such as banks, insurance companies, hotels, newspapers, cement, oil and petrol chemical and fertilizer companies. Thus, we relieved the federal government of the unnecessary burden of running businesses. We then refocused government’s attention on making laws and good policies and creating a conducive atmosphere for businesses to flourish.
Most of the privatized firms are today being run profitably and efficiently by their new owners, creating more jobs and delivering quality products and services.
One important achievement of our administration was the banking sector re-form. In 2005, we raised the minimum capital base of banks from N2 billion to N25 billion in order to make the Nigerian banks stronger, healthier and globally competitive. The policy saw the number of banks operating in the country drop from 89 to 25.
Also, our administration cleaned up Abuja, restored its Master Plan, computerized the land registry and halted uncontrolled developments in the federal capital territory. By the time we left office in 2007, Abuja had become the pride of the nation as a beautiful, clean, safe and efficient world class city.
To ensure that the increased revenue accruing to the government benefitted the greatest number of people, the Obasanjo administration set up the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) the Economic and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Both the ICPC and EFCC waged a vigorous and sustained war against corruption, money laundering, advanced fee fraud and other economic and financial crimes.
In a related development, our administration also introduced new procurement system with emphasis on due process, open and transparent conduct of government business as well as adherence to public service rules and financial regulations.
In October 2005, our administration successfully negotiated a deal with our external creditors that saw Nigeria pay off a total of $14.48 billion in return for the cancellation of our remaining $18 billion debt. Also, we set up the Debt Management Office (DMO) to review and restructure Nigeria’s debt.
Our economic reforms led to massive growth in both the formal and informal economy. By the time we left office in 2007, our economy was ranked 31st in the world in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) which was estimated to be about $500 billion (estimate included both formal and informal economy). It became the second biggest economy in Africa.
ABUJA – Former Vice President, Alhaji Abubakar Atiku yesterday said that he would vehemently oppose any attempt by either the Federal Government or the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, to defer the conduct of elections in his home Adamawa State in 2015.
Atiku and Buhari
He spoke against the backdrop of the growing insecurity in the north where insurgents from Boko Haram Islamic sect have killed thousands of Nigerians
In any case, the former Vice President wandered why insurgency has been allowed by the authorities to gain undue acceleration to the extent that Boko Haram has invaded and declared some parts of the country a conquered territory while hoisting their flag.
Atiku who fielded questions from Journalists on the state of the nation from his Asokoro, Abuja residence was visibly upset and angry over the apparent unbridled resilience being shown by the deadly sect without a commensurate force from nation’s the security agencies.
While recalling the tenacity of former President Olusegun Obasanjo over a similar insurgent group in Yobe state when they were in office, Atiku submitted that the armed forces and the federal government must find a substantial way to crush the insurgents in the north, stressing that a situation where they have been allowed to thrive for over 4 years was inconceivable.
He said: “I will kick against elections not holding in my state because in my state, only two local governments are affected. We have 21 local governments. Only two are affected. And if elections could be held in Afghanistan with deadlier Taliban, I see no reason why we cannot hold elections in Nigeria. Our armed forces must be well equipped and deployed to effectively tackle the situation for elections to hold.
“I am absolutely upset and angry about insecurity in this country. I don’t believe as a country we have done enough to secure this country. This bunch of insurgents have been operating for nearly 4, 5 years now. Then knowing Nigeria, we used to pride ourselves as one of the best armed forces in the world. I really don’t know where things have gone wrong. Is it the armed forces? Is it the political leadership? I just can’t believe what is happening.
“I am not in a position to explain. I am not in government but honestly, I don’t believe this is a situation that Nigeria would not have dealt a very, very fatal blow within 3 to 6 months. Because, I remember when we were in office, there was such a group that wanted to emerge in Yobe. We smashed that group within a couple of weeks completely.
“That such a group should be allowed 4, 5 years operating in this country, saying that they even occupied some parts of the country, hoisting flags and no body is doing anything, please, help me ask. I am very upset and angry about it. Honestly. When I went to visit the son of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, I said I wished I was a young man. I would have gone to the front to fight. What is this? It is unbelievable what is happening. Please, ask them.”
Atiku who is due for the declaration of his presidential ambition for the third time in the series since 2007 after vacating office as Vice to ex- President Obasanjo on September 24, 2014 asked those mooting for an automatic ticket in All Progressive Congress, APC, to think again.
According to him, automatic ticket was undemocratic even as he insisted that such was not enshrined in the constitution of APC.
“Those who are canvassing for automatic ticket are scared of contest. There is nothing to be scared of in a democratic setting. How can you canvass for an automatic ticket in a democratic process? There’s nothing nothing like that.
“As far as zoning is concerned, we don’t have zoning in the constitution of APC. The race is open for everybody. We don’t have zoning unlike the PDP where it is entrenched in their constitution. Even though it is entrenched, it has been violated,” he stated.
Presidency not for north or south
Persuaded to see reasons why north must support the south having clung onto power for upward 36 years during the military era, the former Vice President said that that didn’t matter, saying that Nigerians must be allowed to vote for their preferred candidate.
His words: “Allow Nigerians to vote for whosoever they want to vote. If they decide to vote fir Jonathan again, so be it. If they decide to vote for somebody else, so be it. I think that we remove these elements of sub division, religion or ethnicity. The point is that Even when the military governed this country, if they picked their head of state from the south, deputy or vice us coming from the north. We know that this country is composed of regions, multi-ethnic groups and there has to be a representation. Whoever is governing must be seen to accommodate every interest group in this country. So, as far as I concerned, Nigerians should be left free to elect their leader from wherever.”
Why PDP has remained in power
The former Presidential candidate offered insights on why the his former political party, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, PDP has dominated the political firmament of Nigeria since 1999. He said the APC was now a credible alternative.
“Let me say that why the PDP has been in power for this long is because the opposition has been fragmented. I think now they are trying to come together, you can see that basically we are moving toward a two party system. Then, Nigerians in the opposition will see that there is an alternative. Before, they felt there was no alternative. The opposition was fragmented. That was why I feel the opposition was having it all along. But Nigerians are sophisticated enough to reasons to believe there is an alternative to PDP,” he said.
Outside me, I will support whoever wins APC ticket
Asked why it has almost become his hobby to always seek public mandate to govern the country after many unsuccessful bids in the past, the Adamawa born politician said he couldn’t give up on Nigeria.
He said: “How can I be discouraged? You are just asking me to give up on Nigeria. I have no other place to go. I don’t. So, why should I give up on Nigeria. I can’t not give up until I can no longer or do not have the capacity or the strength. There is no way i can give up on Nigeria.”
Should he fail to secure the presidential ticket of his party, Atiku said “I will support the party if at the end of the day, I was unable to pick up the ticket. That is what is logical. I will support my party to win the election.”
While urging Nigerians to ensure a credible election process by INEC, the Turaki Adamawa found justification for the creation of more polling units embarked by the electoral management body recently.
“I think it is based on voting population. Believe me I watch in some states like Lagos, Kano you find out that in one polling unit, it has to subsided into about 4 or 5 even 10 units because of the number of registered voters in that polling unit. So, I think if they subdivide them and eventually convert them into their own independent polling units, I don’t think there is something unusual about it, it is just what is practically on the ground because one unit may have more than 2000 persons registered to vote, for God’s sake, you can not get 2000 persons to vote within the limited time of voting.
“Political parties should also help to police INEC very, very closely. If the political parties as well as the electorates, together with the NGOs are able to police INEC, it will have no other alternative than to conduct a credible election even though I still admit that structurally, INEC is defective in conducting free and fair elections’, Atiku stressed.
AHEAD of 2015 Presidential election, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has concluded plans to formally declare to run for the presidency, the most exalted office in the country, Wednesday, September 24 under the platform of the All Progressives Congress, APC.
Atiku and Buhari
In a statement yesterday in Abuja by his Media Adviser, Mallam Garba Shehu, former Minister of Aviation, Professor Babalola Borisade would head the campaign team.
According to Shehu, the former Vice President settled for Borisade because he is seen as a popular political strategist who worked for the victory of late General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua as well as the late Chief M. K. O. Abiola on the platform of the defunct Social Democratic Party, SDP.
He recalled further that Borisade was also involved in the victory of former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 and 2003 election.
The statement read, “The former Vice President, His Excellency Vice President Atiku Abubakar GCON, the Turaki Adamawa will contest for the ticket of the All Progressives Congress, in the 2015 presidential elections.
“The former Vice President will be making the declaration on Wednesday September 24.
“The campaign will be anchored by a veteran of successful presidential contests and a former Minister, Professor Babalola Borisade.
“Borisade is also a well-known political strategist who worked for the victory of the late General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua and thereafter, late Chief M. K. O. Abiola on the platform of the defunct Social Democratic Party, SDP. Borisade also worked as the strategist for President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 and 2003 elections, both of which were won resoundingly.
“This is not about me, it is about our young people. It is about Nigerians. It is their future, not the past. It is about reforming government, securing the people and reconciling the nation, Atiku said.
Shehu continued, “Turaki is of the view that 2015 is special and a potential turning point in Nigeria’s history – that we need to seize the moment, to give every Nigerian a chance to help re-define Nigeria as a place for them and their children to prosper and feel safe. He says a change is needed now, and he is ready to lead that change.”
Atiku Abubakar in 1998 won the December Adamawa State gubernatorial election, but before he could be sworn in, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP made him the Vice Presidential candidate to former President Olusegun Obasanjo.
He served as Vice President from 1999 to 2007 and in December 20, 2006, he was chosen as the Presidential candidate of the defunct Action Congress, AC, but in March 14, 2007, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC on the grounds that he was on the list of persons indicted for corruption by a panel set up by the government, was not allowed as his name got missing from the ballot . Atiku Abubakar then headed to the courts on March 16 and the Supreme Court ruled that INEC had no such powers to disqualify him.
In 2007, Atiku returned to the PDP and in October 2010, he announced his intention to contest for the presidency, just as in November same year, a Committee of Northern Elders led by former Minister of Finance, Alhaji Adamu Ciroma selected him as the Northern Consensus candidate over former Military President, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida; the present National Security Adviser, Gen. Aliyu Gusau and former Kwara State governor, now Senator representing Kwara Central, Senator Bukola Saraki.
In January, 2011, Atiku Abubakar contested for the presidential ticket of the PDP along side President Goodluck Jonathan and the present Special Adviser to the President on Ethics and Values, Mrs Sarah Jubril. Atiku was defeated having garnered 805 votes, President Jonathan got 2736 votes while Mrs Jubril got only a vote.
Atiku Abubakar in his political sojourn again dumped the PDP for the All Progressives Congress, APC February 2, 2014.
Many analysts are of the view that that the APC primary to select its flag bearer for the 2015 election will end in turmoil as all political gladiators in the party seem to be warming up for the same position.
A former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, is considering to declare his 2015 presidential ambition on Wednesday, September 24, 2014.
Atiku and Buhari
As part of the preparations, sources close to his campaign office at Jabi, Abuja said several venues were being considered for the declaration.
Some of these venues include the Eagles Square, Sheraton Hotel, Hilton Hotel, Yar’Adua Centre and the National Stadium.
It was also gathered that some of his staff were sent on retreat last week on how to handle the declaration and the campaign that would follow.
Atiku is a member of the All Progressives Congress and he is expected to battle for the party’s sole ticket with the likes of a former Head of State, Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), and Kano State Governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso.
Former Vice-President and All Progressives Congress chieftain, Atiku Abubakar, has denied the rumour going round in Adamawa State that he intends to contest in the governorship by-election in the state.
The election, which will hold on October 11, is expected to be a two-horse race between the APC and the Peoples Democratic Party.
Among the people gunning for the governorship seat are the former Deputy Governor of the state, Bala Ngilari, the former military Governor of Lagos State, Col Buba Marwa (retd) and the ex-Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crime Commission, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, who recently defected from the APC to the PDP.
Concerning the rumour, Atiku on Saturday posted on his Facebook page, “I just read this rumour that I am running for governor of Adamawa State. This is not true.”
According to him, contesting again as the governor of the state will mean taking a step backward.
“I was elected governor of Adamawa State 15 years ago, but was elevated to the position of vice president. I believe we must always look forward, not backwards.
“I will never back away from supporting the development of my home state, as I have always done, both as a businessman and a statesman,” Atiku said.
The APC chieftain also expressed his sadness over the inability of President Goodluck Jonathan’s government to rescue the more than 200 Chibok schoolgirls being held hostage by Boko Haram.
Atiku made the disclosure via his official facebook account (Atiku Abubakar), which boast of 390,408 likes, saying that he was unable to return from a business trip abroad as earlier scheduled to make it to the convention.
